Magna Concursos

Foram encontradas 380 questões.

492127 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Economia
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Com base no modelo IS-LM, classifique a afirmativa como certo ou errado:
Item 1: Na ocorrência de efeito deslocamento (crowding out) total dos gastos privados pelos gastos públicos, uma expansão fiscal resulta em aumento do produto e dos juros.
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
491585 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Text 1
The European Commission
Lagarde for president
If ever Europe needed a competent reformer with new ideas, it is now
CHANCES for a new beginning in Europe are rare and should be seized. In the coming months, after five can-kicking years of crisis and austerity, the European Union will clean out its executive suite and appoint new presidents of the European Commission (the EU's executive arm) and European Council (representing national governments), as well as a new foreign-policy chief.
The EU desperately needs a fresh vision. Its citizens are disenchanted with the remote machinations inside Brussels. Insurgent political parties, many of them anti-EU, are snapping at the heels of the centrists. If the EU were a company, its board would have been sacked: if it were a football team, it would have been relegated. It needs new leadership.
Unfortunately, Europe’s leaders have not got the message. The names being canvassed for commission president include two former prime ministers of smallish countries, JeanClaude Juncker (Luxembourg) and Guy Verhofstadt (Belgium), an assortment of obscure European commissioners and the president of the dysfunctional European Parliament, Martin Schulz of Germany. It is an uninspiring list of Eurocrats, still mouthing nostrums about ever-closer union.
One person—who is not a declared candidate—would be far better: Christine Lagarde, head of the IMF. She is a French former finance minister, yet her years in Washington dealing with the euro crisis, as well as running a huge law firm in Chicago, give her the clarity of an outsider’s view about what is wrong with the EU. A liberal, she would be keen to complete the single market, promote free trade and cut the burden of regulation. She is also a persuasive saleswoman in both French and English, a bonus given her own country’s sour view of the EU and Britain’s possible referendum on whether to leave.
One supposed mark against Ms Lagarde is that, unlike the present commission president, José Manuel Barroso, and his two predecessors, she has never been elected. But the most effective recent commission president was not a former prime minister, but Jacques Delors, another French former finance minister, who—although for a while a member of the European Parliament—was also a technocrat. And the job now needs the skills of a technocrat as much as of a politician. (The place for a former prime minister is the presidency of the European Council; Mario Monti, a reforming Italian leader who also served as a commissioner, might do that job well.)
The bigger obstacle to Ms Lagarde becoming commission president lies in the Lisbon treaty. This says that the European Council, mindful of European elections (which are due in May), must nominate a candidate whom the European Parliament then “elects” as president. Political groups in the parliament are exploiting this to put forward their preferred choices now—Mr Schulz for the centre-left Socialists, Mr Verhofstadt for the centrist Liberals and, next month, a front-runner for the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) who seems likely to be Mr Juncker. The claim is that this process will seem more democratic to ordinary Europeans.
Dream on. Most European voters neither know nor care who any of these people are or what they stand for. The suggestion that EU leaders should accept the candidate of whichever political group gets most seats in May is a recipe not just for ending up with the wrong person, but also for making the commission even more beholden to the parliament.
Don’t let the parliament decide
There is a way through this muddle. As it happens, Ms Lagarde comes from the centreright EPP, which is likely to remain the biggest group in the parliament. The open support of Europe’s three main leaders would probably get her the job. France’s president, François Hollande, is a Socialist, but he would surely welcome a French president. David Cameron knows he is far more likely to win a referendum with a reformer like Ms Lagarde as the face of Europe. Angela Merkel also wants a more open Europe, and her policy of appointing dull unknowns to EU posts has hardly been a resounding success.
The argument for Ms Lagarde is similar to that two years ago for making Mario Draghi president of the European Central Bank: he brought outside experience, market knowledge and good ideas. To many then he seemed tainted by his link to an American investment bank, Goldman Sachs, but he is now the most respected Eurocrat of all. So ignore the parliament, Mrs Merkel, and pick the best woman for the job.
It can be inferred from the text that:
Item 2: Jacques Delors was neither a politician nor a technocrat;
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
491379 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Economia
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Sobre os programas de defesa do café realizados no Brasil a partir de 1906, é correto afirmar:
Item 2: Ao contarem com financiamentos externos, as políticas de defesa implicavam imediatamente um racionamento de divisas, que estimulava, não deliberadamente, um processo de industrialização substitutiva.
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
491279 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Estatística
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Considere a distribuição de probabilidade conjunta das variáveis aleatórias X e Y:
X
-1 0 1
Y -1 1/5 0 1/5
0 0 1/5 0
1 1/5 0 1/5
Com base nessas informações, é correto afirmar:
Item 2: As variáveis aleatórias X e Y são independentes;
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
491131 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Economia
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Com relação às preferências do consumidor, é correto afirmar que:
Item 2: Sejam três cestas de bens: A, B e C. Se, para um consumidor temos que A >B, A ~ C e C ~ B, então para este consumidor se aplica o princípio de que duas curvas de indiferença não se cruzam.
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
490695 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Economia
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Julgue a afirmação relativa à Teoria do Monopólio:
Item 4: Se o monopolista for capaz de realizar discriminação de preços de primeiro grau, a alocação de recursos será eficiente em termos paretianos.
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
488164 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Text 2
Excerpts from:
Bello
Dilma’s tight skirt
Brazil’s president has left herself little room for economic manoeuvre ahead of a difficult re-election campaign
IF BRAZILIANS find themselves in a tight spot, they say they are in a saia justa (a tight skirt). Although she usually prefers trouser suits, that is precisely where Dilma Rousseff finds herself. Later this month she will launch her campaign to win a second term in a presidential election due on October 5th. Normally at this stage of the political cycle, as in the run-up to elections in 2006 and 2010, the government would be ramping up spending. But when Ms Rousseff spoke to the World Economic Forum in Davos last month, with the São Paulo stockmarket and the real dipping along with other emerging economies, she felt impelled to stress her commitment to being strait-laced.
Brazil’s economy has disappointed since she took office in January 2011. Growth has averaged just 1.8% a year; inflation has been around 6%; and the current-account deficit has ballooned, to 3.7% of GDP. Her government has some good excuses. She inherited an overheating economy, the world has grown sluggishly, and cheap money in the United States and Europe prompted an exaggerated appreciation of the real.
(…)
A weaker currency is just what Brazil needs if it is to balance its external accounts and its manufacturers are to thrive. But it also risks adding to inflation, the upward creep of which was one factor (along with poor public services) in mass protests that shook Ms Rousseff’s government last year. This has prompted a change of mind. Alexandre Tombini, the Central Bank governor, has been allowed to raise interest rates (from 7.25% to 10.5%). At Davos, Ms Rousseff for the first time said that her aim was to bring inflation down to 4.5%; she previously seemed content merely for it to stay below the ceiling of the target range of 2.5-6.5%. Lula, her political mentor, “surely told Dilma that interest rates won’t lose her the election, but inflation might,” says a senior opposition economist.
(…)
Some market analysts include Brazil as one of five “fragile” emerging economies, but the government rightly counters that it does not belong in the same company as Argentina or Turkey. As Mr Tombini points out, Brazil has a strong banking system and the reserves ($376 billion) to smooth a gradual exchange-rate adjustment. While talking of fiscal responsibility, the signs are that the government thinks it can get away with postponing belt-tightening until after the election.
But what if a mixture of outside events and fiscal fudging at home (and even a possible downgrade by credit-rating agencies) prompts a bigger decline in the real? So far the pass-through of devaluation to domestic prices has been low, but the history of pricesetting in Brazil suggests that this might suddenly change if the currency weakens further, says Monica Baumgarten de Bolle, an economist at Rio de Janeiro’s Catholic University. “This is what really worries the Central Bank,” she says. It would have to respond with a monetary squeeze, killing growth.
In the same Datafolha poll 66% of respondents said they want the next president to act differently from Ms Rousseff, a generic yearning for change that suggests her support may be less solid than it seems. By allowing inflation to become a campaign issue, she has strayed on to the opposition’s ground. Her past mistakes have led her to a situation in which her promise to spend more on public services is uncomfortably dependent on the humours of international investors. That is the tight skirt she has donned. The next few months will show whether she can wriggle out of it.
We can infer from the text that:
Item 4: Lula recommended that Dilma keep interest rates low.
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
487121 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Inglês (Língua Inglesa)
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Text 2
Excerpts from:
Bello
Dilma’s tight skirt
Brazil’s president has left herself little room for economic manoeuvre ahead of a difficult re-election campaign
IF BRAZILIANS find themselves in a tight spot, they say they are in a saia justa (a tight skirt). Although she usually prefers trouser suits, that is precisely where Dilma Rousseff finds herself. Later this month she will launch her campaign to win a second term in a presidential election due on October 5th. Normally at this stage of the political cycle, as in the run-up to elections in 2006 and 2010, the government would be ramping up spending. But when Ms Rousseff spoke to the World Economic Forum in Davos last month, with the São Paulo stockmarket and the real dipping along with other emerging economies, she felt impelled to stress her commitment to being strait-laced.
Brazil’s economy has disappointed since she took office in January 2011. Growth has averaged just 1.8% a year; inflation has been around 6%; and the current-account deficit has ballooned, to 3.7% of GDP. Her government has some good excuses. She inherited an overheating economy, the world has grown sluggishly, and cheap money in the United States and Europe prompted an exaggerated appreciation of the real.
(…)
A weaker currency is just what Brazil needs if it is to balance its external accounts and its manufacturers are to thrive. But it also risks adding to inflation, the upward creep of which was one factor (along with poor public services) in mass protests that shook Ms Rousseff’s government last year. This has prompted a change of mind. Alexandre Tombini, the Central Bank governor, has been allowed to raise interest rates (from 7.25% to 10.5%). At Davos, Ms Rousseff for the first time said that her aim was to bring inflation down to 4.5%; she previously seemed content merely for it to stay below the ceiling of the target range of 2.5-6.5%. Lula, her political mentor, “surely told Dilma that interest rates won’t lose her the election, but inflation might,” says a senior opposition economist.
(…)
Some market analysts include Brazil as one of five “fragile” emerging economies, but the government rightly counters that it does not belong in the same company as Argentina or Turkey. As Mr Tombini points out, Brazil has a strong banking system and the reserves ($376 billion) to smooth a gradual exchange-rate adjustment. While talking of fiscal responsibility, the signs are that the government thinks it can get away with postponing belt-tightening until after the election.
But what if a mixture of outside events and fiscal fudging at home (and even a possible downgrade by credit-rating agencies) prompts a bigger decline in the real? So far the pass-through of devaluation to domestic prices has been low, but the history of pricesetting in Brazil suggests that this might suddenly change if the currency weakens further, says Monica Baumgarten de Bolle, an economist at Rio de Janeiro’s Catholic University. “This is what really worries the Central Bank,” she says. It would have to respond with a monetary squeeze, killing growth.
In the same Datafolha poll 66% of respondents said they want the next president to act differently from Ms Rousseff, a generic yearning for change that suggests her support may be less solid than it seems. By allowing inflation to become a campaign issue, she has strayed on to the opposition’s ground. Her past mistakes have led her to a situation in which her promise to spend more on public services is uncomfortably dependent on the humours of international investors. That is the tight skirt she has donned. The next few months will show whether she can wriggle out of it.
We can infer from the text that:
Item 0: A weaker currency would harm Brazil's economy;
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
487018 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Economia
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Indique se a afirmativa abaixo é verdadeira, de acordo com a Teoria Econômica do Bem-Estar:
Item 4: Um equilíbrio competitivo a partir de uma divisão igualitária corresponde a uma alocação justa.
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas
486988 Ano: 2014
Disciplina: Economia
Banca: ANPEC
Orgão: ANPEC
Provas:
Avalie a assertiva abaixo:
Item 0: Inovações financeiras tornam a demanda por moeda mais instável.
 

Provas

Questão presente nas seguintes provas