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Text V
Ages ago, I acquired two recordings that inspire a feeling of weirdness whenever I listen to them, or even think about them. Both are performances of the great Lerner and Loewe musical My Fair Lady in languages other than English. Each of them has a special twist of irony. At the core of the original story is how the coarse Cockney girl Liza Doolittle is as a challenge, taken in by the insufferably smug but utterly enthralled professor Henry Higgins, and through painful exercises — “The rain in Spain falls mainly in the plain” — acquires such an impeccably upper-class Oxbridge way of speaking English that at her (and his) ultimate test, a posh ball that she attends incognito, drifting among the cream of British society, the keenest linguistic sleuth in the land dances with this mysterious beauty and in the end declares her too good to be true, and hence not English elite at all, but Hungarian!
The whole idea of de-anglicizing this story strikes me as really nutty — and yet there they are, those recordings on my shelf. And so, on what wet plains do those heavy, drenching rains mainly fall, in Mi Bella Dama? And in the Hungarian version, to what elite nationality is the too-good to-be-true unrecognized Cockney girl assigned? Of course, the truly strange part in both cases is that the whole time she is speaking Spanish or Hungarian, the charade is maintained that she is actually speaking English, and, unlike most plays or movies where one language is made to pass for another, the linguistic medium here is not just an incidental fact, but the very crux of the entire plot. I suppose the suspension of disbelief involved is no more strained than our willingness to accept as “reality” a story that is occasionally interrupted by the actors’ breaking into lyrical song, and then, as suddenly as it started, the singing is over and apparent normalcy resumes on stage.
Douglas R. Hofstadter. Le ton beau de Marot: in praise of the music of language. New York: Basic Books, 1997, p. 198 (adapted).
In text V, without altering the general meaning of the sentence, “enthralled" could be replaced by (mark right — C — or wrong — E
colorful
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Text V
Ages ago, I acquired two recordings that inspire a feeling of weirdness whenever I listen to them, or even think about them. Both are performances of the great Lerner and Loewe musical My Fair Lady in languages other than English. Each of them has a special twist of irony. At the core of the original story is how the coarse Cockney girl Liza Doolittle is as a challenge, taken in by the insufferably smug but utterly enthralled professor Henry Higgins, and through painful exercises — “The rain in Spain falls mainly in the plain” — acquires such an impeccably upper-class Oxbridge way of speaking English that at her (and his) ultimate test, a posh ball that she attends incognito, drifting among the cream of British society, the keenest linguistic sleuth in the land dances with this mysterious beauty and in the end declares her too good to be true, and hence not English elite at all, but Hungarian!
The whole idea of de-anglicizing this story strikes me as really nutty — and yet there they are, those recordings on my shelf. And so, on what wet plains do those heavy, drenching rains mainly fall, in Mi Bella Dama? And in the Hungarian version, to what elite nationality is the too-good to-be-true unrecognized Cockney girl assigned? Of course, the truly strange part in both cases is that the whole time she is speaking Spanish or Hungarian, the charade is maintained that she is actually speaking English, and, unlike most plays or movies where one language is made to pass for another, the linguistic medium here is not just an incidental fact, but the very crux of the entire plot. I suppose the suspension of disbelief involved is no more strained than our willingness to accept as “reality” a story that is occasionally interrupted by the actors’ breaking into lyrical song, and then, as suddenly as it started, the singing is over and apparent normalcy resumes on stage.
Douglas R. Hofstadter. Le ton beau de Marot: in praise of the music of language. New York: Basic Books, 1997, p. 198 (adapted).
In text V, without altering the general meaning of the sentence, “enthralled" could be replaced by (mark right — C — or wrong — E
eccentric.
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Text V
Ages ago, I acquired two recordings that inspire a feeling of weirdness whenever I listen to them, or even think about them. Both are performances of the great Lerner and Loewe musical My Fair Lady in languages other than English. Each of them has a special twist of irony. At the core of the original story is how the coarse Cockney girl Liza Doolittle is as a challenge, taken in by the insufferably smug but utterly enthralled professor Henry Higgins, and through painful exercises — “The rain in Spain falls mainly in the plain” — acquires such an impeccably upper-class Oxbridge way of speaking English that at her (and his) ultimate test, a posh ball that she attends incognito, drifting among the cream of British society, the keenest linguistic sleuth in the land dances with this mysterious beauty and in the end declares her too good to be true, and hence not English elite at all, but Hungarian!
The whole idea of de-anglicizing this story strikes me as really nutty — and yet there they are, those recordings on my shelf. And so, on what wet plains do those heavy, drenching rains mainly fall, in Mi Bella Dama? And in the Hungarian version, to what elite nationality is the too-good to-be-true unrecognized Cockney girl assigned? Of course, the truly strange part in both cases is that the whole time she is speaking Spanish or Hungarian, the charade is maintained that she is actually speaking English, and, unlike most plays or movies where one language is made to pass for another, the linguistic medium here is not just an incidental fact, but the very crux of the entire plot. I suppose the suspension of disbelief involved is no more strained than our willingness to accept as “reality” a story that is occasionally interrupted by the actors’ breaking into lyrical song, and then, as suddenly as it started, the singing is over and apparent normalcy resumes on stage.
Douglas R. Hofstadter. Le ton beau de Marot: in praise of the music of language. New York: Basic Books, 1997, p. 198 (adapted).
In text V, without altering the general meaning of the sentence, “enthralled" could be replaced by (mark right — C — or wrong — E
captivated.
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Text V
Ages ago, I acquired two recordings that inspire a feeling of weirdness whenever I listen to them, or even think about them. Both are performances of the great Lerner and Loewe musical My Fair Lady in languages other than English. Each of them has a special twist of irony. At the core of the original story is how the coarse Cockney girl Liza Doolittle is as a challenge, taken in by the insufferably smug but utterly enthralled professor Henry Higgins, and through painful exercises — “The rain in Spain falls mainly in the plain” — acquires such an impeccably upper-class Oxbridge way of speaking English that at her (and his) ultimate test, a posh ball that she attends incognito, drifting among the cream of British society, the keenest linguistic sleuth in the land dances with this mysterious beauty and in the end declares her too good to be true, and hence not English elite at all, but Hungarian!
The whole idea of de-anglicizing this story strikes me as really nutty — and yet there they are, those recordings on my shelf. And so, on what wet plains do those heavy, drenching rains mainly fall, in Mi Bella Dama? And in the Hungarian version, to what elite nationality is the too-good to-be-true unrecognized Cockney girl assigned? Of course, the truly strange part in both cases is that the whole time she is speaking Spanish or Hungarian, the charade is maintained that she is actually speaking English, and, unlike most plays or movies where one language is made to pass for another, the linguistic medium here is not just an incidental fact, but the very crux of the entire plot. I suppose the suspension of disbelief involved is no more strained than our willingness to accept as “reality” a story that is occasionally interrupted by the actors’ breaking into lyrical song, and then, as suddenly as it started, the singing is over and apparent normalcy resumes on stage.
Douglas R. Hofstadter. Le ton beau de Marot: in praise of the music of language. New York: Basic Books, 1997, p. 198 (adapted).
In text V, without altering the general meaning of the sentence, “enthralled” could be replaced by (mark right — C — or wrong — E
bewitched.
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Text IV
A central conjecture of the social studies of finance is that equipment matters: it changes the nature of the economic agent, of economic action, and of markets.
Consider, for example, physical equipment such as the stock ticker or trading screens connected in electronic networks, which circumvent the most basic of all bodily limitations — the inability to be in two places at once. They made fine-grained knowledge of price movements available in close to real time to geographically dispersed market participants. Alex Preda conjectures, for instance, that the ticker helped prompt the rise of “chartism” or “technical analysis”: the belief — still widespread — that patterns can be found in price graphs that have predictive value. Actors’ equipment goes beyond physical technologies: their “conceptual equipment” also matters, or so the social studies of finance posit. Financial markets are complicated places. Given the limited memory and computational capacity of the human brain, economic agents must develop and acquire systematic ways of making sense of markets. Organizations must develop procedures for interacting with markets, and to an increasing extent those procedures are implemented in algorithms in automated pricing, trading and risk-management systems.
Sometimes, the ways of thinking, procedures, and algorithms that are employed derive from financial economics. Probably more often, however, practitioners’ ways of thinking and associated ways of acting have no direct connection to “academic” economics or indeed are regarded by economists as mistaken. Chartism is an example of the latter: financial economists regard it as on a par with astrology, but many traders take it seriously, and act on the basis of it.
“Public facts”, such as the LIBOR1, technical equipment, graphical presentations, and “conceptual equipment” are all aspects of the diverse cognitive and calculative processes that take place in financial markets. These processes are “distributed” in the sense that a given task is often performed not by a single unaided human but by multiple human beings, objects, and technical systems. To understand cognition that involves multiple collaborating human beings and/or interaction with objects and technical systems, one must go beyond the psychological or cognitive science analysis of the individual “bounded by the skin”.
As Hutchins puts it, “a group performing [a] cognitive task may have cognitive properties that differ from the cognitive properties of any individual”.
LIBOR stands for London interbank offered rate.
The interest rate at which banks offer to lend funds (wholesale money) to one another in the international interbank market (source: Financial Times).
Donald MacKenzie. Material Markets. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 13-6 (adapted).
Considering the grammatical and semantic aspects of text IV, decide whether the following items are right (C) or wrong (E).
The expression “on a par with” means competing.
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Text IV
A central conjecture of the social studies of finance is that equipment matters: it changes the nature of the economic agent, of economic action, and of markets.
Consider, for example, physical equipment such as the stock ticker or trading screens connected in electronic networks, which circumvent the most basic of all bodily limitations — the inability to be in two places at once. They made fine-grained knowledge of price movements available in close to real time to geographically dispersed market participants. Alex Preda conjectures, for instance, that the ticker helped prompt the rise of “chartism” or “technical analysis”: the belief — still widespread — that patterns can be found in price graphs that have predictive value. Actors’ equipment goes beyond physical technologies: their “conceptual equipment” also matters, or so the social studies of finance posit. Financial markets are complicated places. Given the limited memory and computational capacity of the human brain, economic agents must develop and acquire systematic ways of making sense of markets. Organizations must develop procedures for interacting with markets, and to an increasing extent those procedures are implemented in algorithms in automated pricing, trading and risk-management systems.
Sometimes, the ways of thinking, procedures, and algorithms that are employed derive from financial economics. Probably more often, however, practitioners’ ways of thinking and associated ways of acting have no direct connection to “academic” economics or indeed are regarded by economists as mistaken. Chartism is an example of the latter: financial economists regard it as on a par with astrology, but many traders take it seriously, and act on the basis of it.
“Public facts”, such as the LIBOR1, technical equipment, graphical presentations, and “conceptual equipment” are all aspects of the diverse cognitive and calculative processes that take place in financial markets. These processes are “distributed” in the sense that a given task is often performed not by a single unaided human but by multiple human beings, objects, and technical systems. To understand cognition that involves multiple collaborating human beings and/or interaction with objects and technical systems, one must go beyond the psychological or cognitive science analysis of the individual “bounded by the skin”.
As Hutchins puts it, “a group performing [a] cognitive task may have cognitive properties that differ from the cognitive properties of any individual”.
LIBOR stands for London interbank offered rate.
The interest rate at which banks offer to lend funds (wholesale money) to one another in the international interbank market (source: Financial Times).
Donald MacKenzie. Material Markets. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 13-6 (adapted).
Considering the grammatical and semantic aspects of text IV, decide whether the following item are right (C) or wrong (E).
Using based on instead of “on the basis of” would not alter the general meaning of the sentence.
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Text IV
A central conjecture of the social studies of finance is that equipment matters: it changes the nature of the economic agent, of economic action, and of markets.
Consider, for example, physical equipment such as the stock ticker or trading screens connected in electronic networks, which circumvent the most basic of all bodily limitations — the inability to be in two places at once. They made fine-grained knowledge of price movements available in close to real time to geographically dispersed market participants. Alex Preda conjectures, for instance, that the ticker helped prompt the rise of “chartism” or “technical analysis”: the belief — still widespread — that patterns can be found in price graphs that have predictive value. Actors’ equipment goes beyond physical technologies: their “conceptual equipment” also matters, or so the social studies of finance posit. Financial markets are complicated places. Given the limited memory and computational capacity of the human brain, economic agents must develop and acquire systematic ways of making sense of markets. Organizations must develop procedures for interacting with markets, and to an increasing extent those procedures are implemented in algorithms in automated pricing, trading and risk-management systems.
Sometimes, the ways of thinking, procedures, and algorithms that are employed derive from financial economics. Probably more often, however, practitioners’ ways of thinking and associated ways of acting have no direct connection to “academic” economics or indeed are regarded by economists as mistaken. Chartism is an example of the latter: financial economists regard it as on a par with astrology, but many traders take it seriously, and act on the basis of it.
“Public facts”, such as the LIBOR1, technical equipment, graphical presentations, and “conceptual equipment” are all aspects of the diverse cognitive and calculative processes that take place in financial markets. These processes are “distributed” in the sense that a given task is often performed not by a single unaided human but by multiple human beings, objects, and technical systems. To understand cognition that involves multiple collaborating human beings and/or interaction with objects and technical systems, one must go beyond the psychological or cognitive science analysis of the individual “bounded by the skin”.
As Hutchins puts it, “a group performing [a] cognitive task may have cognitive properties that differ from the cognitive properties of any individual”.
LIBOR stands for London interbank offered rate.
The interest rate at which banks offer to lend funds (wholesale money) to one another in the international interbank market (source: Financial Times).
Donald MacKenzie. Material Markets. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 13-6 (adapted).
Considering the grammatical and semantic aspects of text IV, decide whether the following items are right (C) or wrong (E).
It may be inferred from the text that Hutchins posits that the complexity of financial markets calls for analysis based on groupthink, as psychological or cognitive science analysis of the individual is clearly insufficient.
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Text IV
A central conjecture of the social studies of finance is that equipment matters: it changes the nature of the economic agent, of economic action, and of markets.
Consider, for example, physical equipment such as the stock ticker or trading screens connected in electronic networks, which circumvent the most basic of all bodily limitations — the inability to be in two places at once. They made fine-grained knowledge of price movements available in close to real time to geographically dispersed market participants. Alex Preda conjectures, for instance, that the ticker helped prompt the rise of “chartism” or “technical analysis”: the belief — still widespread — that patterns can be found in price graphs that have predictive value. Actors’ equipment goes beyond physical technologies: their “conceptual equipment” also matters, or so the social studies of finance posit. Financial markets are complicated places. Given the limited memory and computational capacity of the human brain, economic agents must develop and acquire systematic ways of making sense of markets. Organizations must develop procedures for interacting with markets, and to an increasing extent those procedures are implemented in algorithms in automated pricing, trading and risk-management systems.
Sometimes, the ways of thinking, procedures, and algorithms that are employed derive from financial economics. Probably more often, however, practitioners’ ways of thinking and associated ways of acting have no direct connection to “academic” economics or indeed are regarded by economists as mistaken. Chartism is an example of the latter: financial economists regard it as on a par with astrology, but many traders take it seriously, and act on the basis of it.
“Public facts”, such as the LIBOR1, technical equipment, graphical presentations, and “conceptual equipment” are all aspects of the diverse cognitive and calculative processes that take place in financial markets. These processes are “distributed” in the sense that a given task is often performed not by a single unaided human but by multiple human beings, objects, and technical systems. To understand cognition that involves multiple collaborating human beings and/or interaction with objects and technical systems, one must go beyond the psychological or cognitive science analysis of the individual “bounded by the skin”.
As Hutchins puts it, “a group performing [a] cognitive task may have cognitive properties that differ from the cognitive properties of any individual”.
LIBOR stands for London interbank offered rate.
The interest rate at which banks offer to lend funds (wholesale money) to one another in the international interbank market (source: Financial Times).
Donald MacKenzie. Material Markets. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 13-6 (adapted).
Considering the grammatical and semantic aspects of text IV, decide whether the following items are right (C) or wrong (E).
According to the text, automated trading and other new technologies have made financial economics hegemonic among traders as a tool to interpret the gyrations of the financial market.
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Text III
Much has been written about the superlative qualities desirable in diplomacy. Few persons can embody them all, but the greater part of a diplomat’s armoury can be developed and improved by sincere application guided by advice and example of his/her seniors. One must be concerned primarily with the foundations on which to build. For these the selectors must be satisfied there is a hard core to the applicant’s personality. On it will rest the courage, toughness in confrontation, patience and perseverance without which many more brilliant gifts can come to grief. Contrary to popular belief, diplomacy is not a career for the compliant. It often imposes on an officer the duty of defending the interests of his/her country in places not of his/her choice, where he/she must be prepared to withstand the moral attrition to which he/she may be exposed in the front line of international politics.
Lord Gore-Booth and Desmond Pakenham. Satow’s
guide to diplomatic practice. 5.th ed. London and New York: Longman, 1979, p. 79 (adapted)).
Considering the grammatical and semantic aspects of text III, decide whether the following items are right (C) or wrong (E).
The passage “Contrary to popular (…) for the compliant” can be correctly rewritten as In opposition to what most people believe, a yielding person is not suited to a career in diplomacy without this changing the meaning of the text.
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Text III
Much has been written about the superlative qualities desirable in diplomacy. Few persons can embody them all, but the greater part of a diplomat’s armoury can be developed and improved by sincere application guided by advice and example of his/her seniors. One must be concerned primarily with the foundations on which to build. For these the selectors must be satisfied there is a hard core to the applicant’s personality. On it will rest the courage, toughness in confrontation, patience and perseverance without which many more brilliant gifts can come to grief. Contrary to popular belief, diplomacy is not a career for the compliant. It often imposes on an officer the duty of defending the interests of his/her country in places not of his/her choice, where he/she must be prepared to withstand the moral attrition to which he/she may be exposed in the front line of international politics.
Lord Gore-Booth and Desmond Pakenham. Satow’s
guide to diplomatic practice. 5.th ed. London and New York: Longman, 1979, p. 79 (adapted)).
Considering the grammatical and semantic aspects of text III, decide whether the following items are right (C) or wrong (E).
The expression “come to grief” means to end in failure.
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