Foram encontradas 380 questões.
Com base nos modelos de crescimento endógeno, julgue a afirmativa:
Item 2 - Um aumento da taxa de investimento agregado resultará não apenas na elevação de uma só vez nos níveis de capital e produto, mas induzirá um aumento permanente nas taxas de crescimento do capital e do produto de longo prazo.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Julgue a afirmativa:
Item 1 - No cálculo do índice de preços de Paasche a cesta de produtos é fixa e no de Laspeyres a cesta é variável.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Julgue a afirmativa:
Item 2 - Uma operação de mercado aberto expansionista implica uma contração da base monetária e um aumento do multiplicador monetário.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
A alta taxa de crescimento do PIB entre 1968 e 1973 teve no setor externo uma de suas causas principais. Entre os fatores que colaboraram para a ausência de restrição externa ao crescimento acelerado naquele período, destaca-se:
Item 3 - O bom desempenho do setor exportador, atribuído, em parte, à ampliação dos benefícios fiscais, creditícios e cambiais implementados a partir de 1967.
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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
É correto afirmar que a Instrução 113 da Superintendência de Moeda e Crédito (SUMOC)
Item 2 - inaugurou a política de leilões de reservas cambiais, segundo cinco categorias de importações definidas pelo grau de essencialidade.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
BASED ON YOUR INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXTS THAT FOLLOW, DETERMINE IF EVERY STATEMENT IS RIGHT OR WRONG.
FIRST TEXT
THE MINT OF MAMMON
Reproduced from Jack Weatherford’s The History of Money. New York: Three
Rivers Press, 1997, pages 137–140.
In the years following the early experiments with paper money in Europe and North America, one of the most interesting treatments of the subject was penned by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in this poetic tragedy Faust. In some ways, Faust should be treated as two works since Goethe published Part I in 1808 but did not complete Part II until 1831, shortly before his death. The two parts represent the contrasting vision, interest, and style of a young versus an old man, and in some ways they represent the contrast between the medieval world of romance, belief, and magic and the modern world of finance, rationalism, and skepticism.
The story of Dr. Faust, as related by Goethe in Part I, was already an old one when Goethe tackled it. It deals with a medieval alchemy professor who seeks to make gold from base metals and, more importantly, to acquire ultimate knowledge about the universe and human pleasure. Toward these ends, he makes a wager with the devil, promising his soul if the devil can grant him a moment of ecstasy that Faust will want to last forever. Faust sets out on a quest that includes seducing a beautiful young maiden and abandoning the pregnant girl after killing her brother. The story told in Part I of Goethe’s Faust is a highly emotional tragedy written by a young genius at the start of his great career. Some scholars call it the quintessential literary work of the Romantic era.
In the second part of the play, written at the end of Goethe’s life, Faust and Mephistopheles visit the court of the emperor during the pre-Lenten carnival season of masquerades and tricks. The emperor is besieged by his treasurer and stewards reporting the lack of funds and the need to pay the wages of the soldiers and servants. His moneylenders demand payment on debts, and even the wine bill has come due.
Mephistopheles offers the emperor a way out of his financial mess. He has found the key to making gold, and the secret that all alchemists had sought for centuries. He obtains from the emperor permission to print paper money – “the heaven-sent leaf.”
Faust comes to the emperor’s carnival ball dressed appropriately as Plutus, the god of wealth, and through magic, he and Mephistopheles show the emperor the riches he can have by printing money. They convince the emperor to sign a note bearing the inscription “To whom it may concern, be by these presents known, this note is legal tender for one thousand crowns and is secured by the immense reserves of wealth safely stored underground in our Imperial States.” He has based the value of his money on the future mining of gold, the untapped treasures still buried in the earth.
By the next morning, the emperor has forgotten that he signed the note, but during the night Mephistopheles has had thousands of copies of it made in various denominations. The new money has been unleashed to the great joy of creditors, debtors, soldiers, and other citizens. Already people are ordering new clothes, and business booms for the butcher and baker. Wine is flowing freely in the taverns, and even the dice roll more easily. Priests and prostitutes scurry about their business with greater enthusiasm because of the new money, and even the moneylenders are enjoying a brisk new business.
“And people value this the same as honest gold?” asks the incredulous emperor. “The court and army take it as full pay? Much as I find it strange, I see I must accept it.”
Like John Law and Benjamin Franklin, whose experiments with money made a lasting impression on Goethe, Faust found the key to the modern economic world in money. It was a system of borrowing against future earnings today. With this supply of seemingly endless paper money, Faust literally remakes the land by draining marshes, building factories and new farms, and digging canals.
Goethe had shown that the modern money economy based on its strange new money was a “continuation of alchemy by other means”. Writing in the first decades of the nineteenth century, Goethe seemed to forecast many of the industrial achievements of that age. In other writings, he predicted the building of the Suez Canal, and nearly a century before the opening of the Panama Canal and long before the United States had made an important appearance on the stage of world history, Goethe predicted that the young nation would build a canal to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. As a scientist and statesman as well as a poet and playwright, he foresaw the great accomplishments and the shortcomings of the emerging industrial world that would be financed on the newly emerging monetary system of paper money.
At first, the spread of Faust’s new money brings happiness and improvement, but soon the hidden costs begin bubbling to the surface. Peasants are killed while developing their land. A new class of government functionaries arises with names such as Quick-loot and Get-quick, describing their attitudes toward life. Soon social unrest in the newly enriched nation leads to rebellion, and a new anti-emperor rises to challenge the old one.
The many versions of Faust’s bargain with the devil all end the same way when the devil finally claims his due and descends with Faust into hell. Of all the writers and composers who tackle the story of the Faustian bargain with the devil, only Goethe, after a lifetime of studying human passion and behavior, gave the story a different ending. In the poem’s final verses, a host of heavenly angels take the body of Faust away from Mephistopheles and sing that “for him whose striving never ceases, we can provide redemption.”
The seventeenth century marked the inauspicious debut of paper money onto the modern world scene, but as demonstrated by both the French and American cases, paper money carried great potential dangers. As long as it was supported by gold or silver, all seemed well and paper seemed just as reliable, and far more convenient, than precious metals. Invariably, however, the government or bank in charge of printing the money issued more paper than it had metal to back it. No matter how important the reason or how pressing the cause, once begun, the devaluation process spiraled, with more and more bills being issued at less and less value.
The dangers and temptations as well as the great mystery surrounding paper money weighed heavily on the thinkers and poets of the nineteenth century, In the play Oedipus Tyrannus, written in 1820 by Percy Bysshe Shelley, greed incites people to abuse paper money. This perspective on paper money becomes clear when Mammon appears and asks another character: “What’s the matter, my dear fellow, now? ... Does money fail? Come to my mint, coin paper, till gold be at a discount, and ashamed to show his bilious face.”
Money began as a specific, tangible commodity, as cowrie shells and stone disks, cacao beans and metal nuggets. In its second stage, it came in the form of paper which retained its tangibility but lost its value as a commodity. Paper money could not be eaten, as could salt blocks or cacao beans, nor could it be melted and formed into metal tools or ornaments, like copper, tin, and silver coins. Paper money lacked usefulness except as money. The use of coins and other commodities involved tremendous abstraction, but the use of paper made money even more abstract.
Whether seen as a solution to practical problems, as portrayed by Benjamin Franklin, or as a Faustian bargain with the devil, as portrayed by Goethe, paper money was to play a crucial role in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, bringing great profit to some at a great cost to others.
SECOND TEXT
A TALE OF TWO CITIES
(Excerpts from J. Weatherford’s The History of Money, pages 160-161 and 164-167).
Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the directors of the Bank of England resisted governmental interference in their business. When the government established a royal commission to inquire into the activities and reserves of the bank, the bankers would only respond that the reserves were “very, very considerable.” When asked to be a bit more specific, they said that they would be “very, very reluctant” to add to what they already said.
Under the Bank of England, Britain prospered. With a solid pound sterling, industrialization and trade grew steadily throughout the century of peace. In economic terms, it was the best of times for Europe. Gold provided the underpinning of that peace and prosperity, not because of any special quality of gold but simply because the gold standard acted as a huge restraint on governments so long as the country could not print paper money greater than the supply of gold backing it. When asked “Why gold?” one monetary expert reportedly answered, “because you can’t trust governments, least of all democratic governments.”
As David Ricardo noted, “neither a State nor a bank ever has had the unrestricted power of issuing paper money, without abusing that power; in all States, therefore, the issue of paper money ought to be under some check and control; and none seems so proper as that of subjecting the issuers of paper money to the obligation of paying their notes, either in gold or in bullion.” Throughout the Victorian era, the gold standard imposed the needed discipline on politicians.
The autonomy of the Bank of England ended with the First World War. The need of the British government to finance its army once again took precedence over the discipline of the gold standard, and the bank printed far more money than it could convert into gold. Once the government had seen how easy it was to get money without the discipline of the gold standard, it was reluctant to return to the restraints of that yoke. After the war there was a brief attempt to return to the gold standard, but in 1931, Britain permanently dropped any pretense of tying the value of its currency to its deposits of gold. The era of gold and the heyday of the Bank of England had ended.
The gold standard, which formed the heart of the international currency system administered from the Bank of England in the City of London, represented the first completely global system uniting the world. Gold had done what no conqueror or religion had managed to do: it had brought virtually all people on earth into one social system.
The First World War marked the end of the great era of world currency system based on gold. The war crushed the delicate balance that had existed between the separate and relatively independent spheres of government and economy in Britain. Power flowed into the hands of politicians and government administrators.
After more than two hundred years as a private institution, the Bank of England proved unable to survive the twentieth century movement toward national control over financial institutions. In a rising tide of Socialist sentiment, the Labour government nationalized the Bank of England in 1946. Because the bank was already regulated by the government and working so closely with it, the nationalization was more of a formal recognition of what had already occurred. Control over the bank’s activities passed to the politically appointed chancellor of the exchequer.
Soon after the nationalization of the bank, the government decided to put the picture of the sovereign on the bills, as it has been on the coins minted by the government. Queen Elizabeth II became the first monarch whose portrait appeared on British paper currency. The monarch’s portrait on the currency clearly signified that the government now held supreme control over the currency and all institutions associated with it. The nationalization of the Bank of England marked the end of the a long process by which the government steadily increased its power over the financial sphere of British life and over British currency. It was the first of a long series of steps toward nationalizing the British financial system and economy.
No longer independent and no longer presiding over an independent money supply based on gold, the Bank of England became one more administrative office of the government. Rather than creating monetary policy and issuing money in accordance with its gold reserves, it carried out government policy and issued the amount ordered by the politicians. The subordination and eventual nationalization of the Bank of England represented a major victory of politics over banking and of government over money.
According to the text:
Item 0 - The emperor was compelled into signing the “To whom it may concern...” note.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Seja !$ f : R \rightarrow R\ !$ a função dada implicitamente por !$ tg [f (x)] = x !$. Sabendo-se !$ f(R) = (-\pi/2, \pi /2) !$, julgue o item abaixo:
Item 2 - !$ \textstyle \int_{0}^{1} { \large x^2 \over 1 + x^2} dx = 1 - \textstyle \int_{0}^{1} { \large 1 \over 1 + x^2} dx = 1 - f(1) + f(0). !$
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
BASED ON YOUR INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXTS THAT FOLLOW, DETERMINE IF EVERY STATEMENT IS RIGHT OR WRONG.
FIRST TEXT
THE MINT OF MAMMON
Reproduced from Jack Weatherford’s The History of Money. New York: Three
Rivers Press, 1997, pages 137–140.
In the years following the early experiments with paper money in Europe and North America, one of the most interesting treatments of the subject was penned by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in this poetic tragedy Faust. In some ways, Faust should be treated as two works since Goethe published Part I in 1808 but did not complete Part II until 1831, shortly before his death. The two parts represent the contrasting vision, interest, and style of a young versus an old man, and in some ways they represent the contrast between the medieval world of romance, belief, and magic and the modern world of finance, rationalism, and skepticism.
The story of Dr. Faust, as related by Goethe in Part I, was already an old one when Goethe tackled it. It deals with a medieval alchemy professor who seeks to make gold from base metals and, more importantly, to acquire ultimate knowledge about the universe and human pleasure. Toward these ends, he makes a wager with the devil, promising his soul if the devil can grant him a moment of ecstasy that Faust will want to last forever. Faust sets out on a quest that includes seducing a beautiful young maiden and abandoning the pregnant girl after killing her brother. The story told in Part I of Goethe’s Faust is a highly emotional tragedy written by a young genius at the start of his great career. Some scholars call it the quintessential literary work of the Romantic era.
In the second part of the play, written at the end of Goethe’s life, Faust and Mephistopheles visit the court of the emperor during the pre-Lenten carnival season of masquerades and tricks. The emperor is besieged by his treasurer and stewards reporting the lack of funds and the need to pay the wages of the soldiers and servants. His moneylenders demand payment on debts, and even the wine bill has come due.
Mephistopheles offers the emperor a way out of his financial mess. He has found the key to making gold, and the secret that all alchemists had sought for centuries. He obtains from the emperor permission to print paper money – “the heaven-sent leaf.”
Faust comes to the emperor’s carnival ball dressed appropriately as Plutus, the god of wealth, and through magic, he and Mephistopheles show the emperor the riches he can have by printing money. They convince the emperor to sign a note bearing the inscription “To whom it may concern, be by these presents known, this note is legal tender for one thousand crowns and is secured by the immense reserves of wealth safely stored underground in our Imperial States.” He has based the value of his money on the future mining of gold, the untapped treasures still buried in the earth.
By the next morning, the emperor has forgotten that he signed the note, but during the night Mephistopheles has had thousands of copies of it made in various denominations. The new money has been unleashed to the great joy of creditors, debtors, soldiers, and other citizens. Already people are ordering new clothes, and business booms for the butcher and baker. Wine is flowing freely in the taverns, and even the dice roll more easily. Priests and prostitutes scurry about their business with greater enthusiasm because of the new money, and even the moneylenders are enjoying a brisk new business.
“And people value this the same as honest gold?” asks the incredulous emperor. “The court and army take it as full pay? Much as I find it strange, I see I must accept it.”
Like John Law and Benjamin Franklin, whose experiments with money made a lasting impression on Goethe, Faust found the key to the modern economic world in money. It was a system of borrowing against future earnings today. With this supply of seemingly endless paper money, Faust literally remakes the land by draining marshes, building factories and new farms, and digging canals.
Goethe had shown that the modern money economy based on its strange new money was a “continuation of alchemy by other means”. Writing in the first decades of the nineteenth century, Goethe seemed to forecast many of the industrial achievements of that age. In other writings, he predicted the building of the Suez Canal, and nearly a century before the opening of the Panama Canal and long before the United States had made an important appearance on the stage of world history, Goethe predicted that the young nation would build a canal to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. As a scientist and statesman as well as a poet and playwright, he foresaw the great accomplishments and the shortcomings of the emerging industrial world that would be financed on the newly emerging monetary system of paper money.
At first, the spread of Faust’s new money brings happiness and improvement, but soon the hidden costs begin bubbling to the surface. Peasants are killed while developing their land. A new class of government functionaries arises with names such as Quick-loot and Get-quick, describing their attitudes toward life. Soon social unrest in the newly enriched nation leads to rebellion, and a new anti-emperor rises to challenge the old one.
The many versions of Faust’s bargain with the devil all end the same way when the devil finally claims his due and descends with Faust into hell. Of all the writers and composers who tackle the story of the Faustian bargain with the devil, only Goethe, after a lifetime of studying human passion and behavior, gave the story a different ending. In the poem’s final verses, a host of heavenly angels take the body of Faust away from Mephistopheles and sing that “for him whose striving never ceases, we can provide redemption.”
The seventeenth century marked the inauspicious debut of paper money onto the modern world scene, but as demonstrated by both the French and American cases, paper money carried great potential dangers. As long as it was supported by gold or silver, all seemed well and paper seemed just as reliable, and far more convenient, than precious metals. Invariably, however, the government or bank in charge of printing the money issued more paper than it had metal to back it. No matter how important the reason or how pressing the cause, once begun, the devaluation process spiraled, with more and more bills being issued at less and less value.
The dangers and temptations as well as the great mystery surrounding paper money weighed heavily on the thinkers and poets of the nineteenth century, In the play Oedipus Tyrannus, written in 1820 by Percy Bysshe Shelley, greed incites people to abuse paper money. This perspective on paper money becomes clear when Mammon appears and asks another character: “What’s the matter, my dear fellow, now? ... Does money fail? Come to my mint, coin paper, till gold be at a discount, and ashamed to show his bilious face.”
Money began as a specific, tangible commodity, as cowrie shells and stone disks, cacao beans and metal nuggets. In its second stage, it came in the form of paper which retained its tangibility but lost its value as a commodity. Paper money could not be eaten, as could salt blocks or cacao beans, nor could it be melted and formed into metal tools or ornaments, like copper, tin, and silver coins. Paper money lacked usefulness except as money. The use of coins and other commodities involved tremendous abstraction, but the use of paper made money even more abstract.
Whether seen as a solution to practical problems, as portrayed by Benjamin Franklin, or as a Faustian bargain with the devil, as portrayed by Goethe, paper money was to play a crucial role in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, bringing great profit to some at a great cost to others.
SECOND TEXT
A TALE OF TWO CITIES
(Excerpts from J. Weatherford’s The History of Money, pages 160-161 and 164-167).
Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the directors of the Bank of England resisted governmental interference in their business. When the government established a royal commission to inquire into the activities and reserves of the bank, the bankers would only respond that the reserves were “very, very considerable.” When asked to be a bit more specific, they said that they would be “very, very reluctant” to add to what they already said.
Under the Bank of England, Britain prospered. With a solid pound sterling, industrialization and trade grew steadily throughout the century of peace. In economic terms, it was the best of times for Europe. Gold provided the underpinning of that peace and prosperity, not because of any special quality of gold but simply because the gold standard acted as a huge restraint on governments so long as the country could not print paper money greater than the supply of gold backing it. When asked “Why gold?” one monetary expert reportedly answered, “because you can’t trust governments, least of all democratic governments.”
As David Ricardo noted, “neither a State nor a bank ever has had the unrestricted power of issuing paper money, without abusing that power; in all States, therefore, the issue of paper money ought to be under some check and control; and none seems so proper as that of subjecting the issuers of paper money to the obligation of paying their notes, either in gold or in bullion.” Throughout the Victorian era, the gold standard imposed the needed discipline on politicians.
The autonomy of the Bank of England ended with the First World War. The need of the British government to finance its army once again took precedence over the discipline of the gold standard, and the bank printed far more money than it could convert into gold. Once the government had seen how easy it was to get money without the discipline of the gold standard, it was reluctant to return to the restraints of that yoke. After the war there was a brief attempt to return to the gold standard, but in 1931, Britain permanently dropped any pretense of tying the value of its currency to its deposits of gold. The era of gold and the heyday of the Bank of England had ended.
The gold standard, which formed the heart of the international currency system administered from the Bank of England in the City of London, represented the first completely global system uniting the world. Gold had done what no conqueror or religion had managed to do: it had brought virtually all people on earth into one social system.
The First World War marked the end of the great era of world currency system based on gold. The war crushed the delicate balance that had existed between the separate and relatively independent spheres of government and economy in Britain. Power flowed into the hands of politicians and government administrators.
After more than two hundred years as a private institution, the Bank of England proved unable to survive the twentieth century movement toward national control over financial institutions. In a rising tide of Socialist sentiment, the Labour government nationalized the Bank of England in 1946. Because the bank was already regulated by the government and working so closely with it, the nationalization was more of a formal recognition of what had already occurred. Control over the bank’s activities passed to the politically appointed chancellor of the exchequer.
Soon after the nationalization of the bank, the government decided to put the picture of the sovereign on the bills, as it has been on the coins minted by the government. Queen Elizabeth II became the first monarch whose portrait appeared on British paper currency. The monarch’s portrait on the currency clearly signified that the government now held supreme control over the currency and all institutions associated with it. The nationalization of the Bank of England marked the end of the a long process by which the government steadily increased its power over the financial sphere of British life and over British currency. It was the first of a long series of steps toward nationalizing the British financial system and economy.
No longer independent and no longer presiding over an independent money supply based on gold, the Bank of England became one more administrative office of the government. Rather than creating monetary policy and issuing money in accordance with its gold reserves, it carried out government policy and issued the amount ordered by the politicians. The subordination and eventual nationalization of the Bank of England represented a major victory of politics over banking and of government over money.
According to David Ricardo:
Item 3 - The obligation of the issuers of paper money to pay the notes they issue in either gold or bullion is a proper way of controlling the supply of paper money.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Com base na teoria Keynesiana, avalie as proposições:
Item 0 - A armadilha da liquidez Keynesiana é uma situação em que as pessoas procuram transformar seus ativos monetários em ativos financeiros, contribuindo para a insuficiência da demanda efetiva.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Atribui-se ao Segundo Governo Vargas a intenção de reproduzir as virtudes dos Governos Campos Salles e Rodrigues Alves. A respeito daqueles dois governos, é correto afirmar:
Item 3 - Rodrigues Alves implementou um programa de obras públicas, que incluiu o saneamento e a urbanização da capital federal e a construção de portos e estradas de ferro;
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Cadernos
Caderno Container