Foram encontradas 200 questões.
Read the interview below entitled "When should you start to worry?" in order to answer question:
In his answer to question 1, Dr. Lee warns against drinking lots of caffeine since it
When should we start to worry
Source: Newsweek (adapted) Oct 17, 2005
Source: Newsweek (adapted) Oct 17, 2005
I'm concerned about the long-term risks of drinking a lot of caffeine (two or more cups of coffee a day). I have no family history of heart disease and no history of heart trouble. Am I at risk?
Dr. Thomas H. Lee: I wouldn't worry about the caffeine in a few cups of coffee. Lots of caffeine can rev up your heart and make it beat faster, occasionally even launching into prolonged periods of a racing heart. You will almost surely feel palpitations if you get these abnormal heartbeats, and then you should heed your body's advice to cut back on the caffeine. Heavy coffee drinkers don't have a higher risk of cardiomyopathy (damaged heart muscle) or heart attacks. If you do decide to cut back on caffeine, you may experience headaches during the transition.
Until recently, vitamin E was touted as a good-heart supplement. Now several studies indicate that vitamin E supplements can increase the risk of heart disease or stroke. Does the medical community agree?
Dr. Thomas H. Lee: You have it right. In the 1990's, vitamin E was very promising - but controversial. Epidemiological studies showed that regular vitamin E users had 20 to 40 percent lower rates of heart disease than nonusers. Since then, larger experiments have not shown any benefit from taking vitamin E.
Dr. Thomas H. Lee: I wouldn't worry about the caffeine in a few cups of coffee. Lots of caffeine can rev up your heart and make it beat faster, occasionally even launching into prolonged periods of a racing heart. You will almost surely feel palpitations if you get these abnormal heartbeats, and then you should heed your body's advice to cut back on the caffeine. Heavy coffee drinkers don't have a higher risk of cardiomyopathy (damaged heart muscle) or heart attacks. If you do decide to cut back on caffeine, you may experience headaches during the transition.
Until recently, vitamin E was touted as a good-heart supplement. Now several studies indicate that vitamin E supplements can increase the risk of heart disease or stroke. Does the medical community agree?
Dr. Thomas H. Lee: You have it right. In the 1990's, vitamin E was very promising - but controversial. Epidemiological studies showed that regular vitamin E users had 20 to 40 percent lower rates of heart disease than nonusers. Since then, larger experiments have not shown any benefit from taking vitamin E.
In his answer to question 1, Dr. Lee warns against drinking lots of caffeine since it
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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read the text entitled "The prices of sin" in order to answer question:
According to the text, the "sin taxes"
The prices of sin
Source: The Economist (adapted) Aug 25th 2005
Source: The Economist (adapted) Aug 25th 2005
Much ministerial brow-sweat has been devoted to turning Britons into healthier, better-adjusted citizens, but the public has a nasty habit of spoiling the party. New figures provoked hand-wringing this week when they suggested that British alcohol consumption is rising even as the French and the Germans are drinking less. Alcoholfuelled crime is on the increase and smoking rates, which the government has promised to reduce, are stuck.
To economists, the solution is obvious: just raise taxes on the goods in question. Successive governments have taken this advice to heart, leaving Britain with some of the highest "sin taxes" in Europe. Yet Labour has abandoned fiscal tinkering for a sort of social engineering that comes over as inconsistent: liberal laws that allow pubs to open around the clock in the hope of curing Britain's drink culture sit oddly with authoritarian plans to forbid smoking in public places.
To economists, the solution is obvious: just raise taxes on the goods in question. Successive governments have taken this advice to heart, leaving Britain with some of the highest "sin taxes" in Europe. Yet Labour has abandoned fiscal tinkering for a sort of social engineering that comes over as inconsistent: liberal laws that allow pubs to open around the clock in the hope of curing Britain's drink culture sit oddly with authoritarian plans to forbid smoking in public places.
According to the text, the "sin taxes"
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read the text entitled "The prices of sin" in order to answer question:
In paragraph 1, the new figures related to the British alcohol consumption are said to have caused
The prices of sin
Source: The Economist (adapted) Aug 25th 2005
Source: The Economist (adapted) Aug 25th 2005
Much ministerial brow-sweat has been devoted to turning Britons into healthier, better-adjusted citizens, but the public has a nasty habit of spoiling the party. New figures provoked hand-wringing this week when they suggested that British alcohol consumption is rising even as the French and the Germans are drinking less. Alcoholfuelled crime is on the increase and smoking rates, which the government has promised to reduce, are stuck.
To economists, the solution is obvious: just raise taxes on the goods in question. Successive governments have taken this advice to heart, leaving Britain with some of the highest "sin taxes" in Europe. Yet Labour has abandoned fiscal tinkering for a sort of social engineering that comes over as inconsistent: liberal laws that allow pubs to open around the clock in the hope of curing Britain's drink culture sit oddly with authoritarian plans to forbid smoking in public places.
To economists, the solution is obvious: just raise taxes on the goods in question. Successive governments have taken this advice to heart, leaving Britain with some of the highest "sin taxes" in Europe. Yet Labour has abandoned fiscal tinkering for a sort of social engineering that comes over as inconsistent: liberal laws that allow pubs to open around the clock in the hope of curing Britain's drink culture sit oddly with authoritarian plans to forbid smoking in public places.
In paragraph 1, the new figures related to the British alcohol consumption are said to have caused
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read the text entitled "The prices of sin" in order to answer question:
The author
The prices of sin
Source: The Economist (adapted) Aug 25th 2005
Source: The Economist (adapted) Aug 25th 2005
Much ministerial brow-sweat has been devoted to turning Britons into healthier, better-adjusted citizens, but the public has a nasty habit of spoiling the party. New figures provoked hand-wringing this week when they suggested that British alcohol consumption is rising even as the French and the Germans are drinking less. Alcoholfuelled crime is on the increase and smoking rates, which the government has promised to reduce, are stuck.
To economists, the solution is obvious: just raise taxes on the goods in question. Successive governments have taken this advice to heart, leaving Britain with some of the highest "sin taxes" in Europe. Yet Labour has abandoned fiscal tinkering for a sort of social engineering that comes over as inconsistent: liberal laws that allow pubs to open around the clock in the hope of curing Britain's drink culture sit oddly with authoritarian plans to forbid smoking in public places.
To economists, the solution is obvious: just raise taxes on the goods in question. Successive governments have taken this advice to heart, leaving Britain with some of the highest "sin taxes" in Europe. Yet Labour has abandoned fiscal tinkering for a sort of social engineering that comes over as inconsistent: liberal laws that allow pubs to open around the clock in the hope of curing Britain's drink culture sit oddly with authoritarian plans to forbid smoking in public places.
The author
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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read the text entitled "The case for flat taxes" in order to answer question:
In paragraph 3, the author refers to VAT, a tax which
The case for flat taxes
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Estonia's economy has grown impressively since its 1994 reform. Growth reached double digits in 1997, and has since settled at around 6% annually, after a slump at the turn of the century. Repealing its high tax rate on the rich did not erode the country's tax base as some might have feared. In 1993, general government revenues were 39.4% of the gross domestic product (GDP); in 2002, they were 39.6%. Estonia now plans to cut its flat tax from 26% to 20% by 2007.
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its flat income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its flat income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the flat income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the flattest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its flat income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its flat income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the flat income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the flattest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
In paragraph 3, the author refers to VAT, a tax which
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read the text entitled "The case for flat taxes" in order to answer question:
In paragraph 2, the role played by Estonia's flat income tax in relation to its "robust revenues" is
The case for flat taxes
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Estonia's economy has grown impressively since its 1994 reform. Growth reached double digits in 1997, and has since settled at around 6% annually, after a slump at the turn of the century. Repealing its high tax rate on the rich did not erode the country's tax base as some might have feared. In 1993, general government revenues were 39.4% of the gross domestic product (GDP); in 2002, they were 39.6%. Estonia now plans to cut its flat tax from 26% to 20% by 2007.
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its flat income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its flat income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the flat income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the flattest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its flat income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its flat income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the flat income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the flattest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
In paragraph 2, the role played by Estonia's flat income tax in relation to its "robust revenues" is
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read the text entitled "The case for flat taxes" in order to answer question:
Estonia's economy has grown impressively since its 1994 reform. Growth reached double digits in 1997, and has since settled at around 6% annually, after a slump at the turn of the century. Repealing its high tax rate on the rich did not erode the country's tax base as some might have feared. In 1993, general government revenues were 39.4% of the gross domestic product (GDP); in 2002, they were 39.6%. Estonia now plans to cut its fl at tax from 26% to 20% by 2007.
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its fl at income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its fl at income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the fl at income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the fl attest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
The author mentions a slump in Estonia's growth at the turn of the century which characterizes
The case for flat taxes
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Estonia's economy has grown impressively since its 1994 reform. Growth reached double digits in 1997, and has since settled at around 6% annually, after a slump at the turn of the century. Repealing its high tax rate on the rich did not erode the country's tax base as some might have feared. In 1993, general government revenues were 39.4% of the gross domestic product (GDP); in 2002, they were 39.6%. Estonia now plans to cut its fl at tax from 26% to 20% by 2007.
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its fl at income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its fl at income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the fl at income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the fl attest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
The author mentions a slump in Estonia's growth at the turn of the century which characterizes
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read the text entitled "The case for flat taxes" in order to answer question:
In paragraph 1, the author provides a brief outline of
The case for flat taxes
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Source: The Economist (adapted) Apr 14th 2005
Estonia's economy has grown impressively since its 1994 reform. Growth reached double digits in 1997, and has since settled at around 6% annually, after a slump at the turn of the century. Repealing its high tax rate on the rich did not erode the country's tax base as some might have feared. In 1993, general government revenues were 39.4% of the gross domestic product (GDP); in 2002, they were 39.6%. Estonia now plans to cut its flat tax from 26% to 20% by 2007.
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its flat income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its flat income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the flat income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the flattest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
How much do Estonia's robust revenues owe to its flat income tax? Perhaps less than is frequently advertised. In 1993, the year before its reform, Estonia's multiple personal income taxes raised revenues amounting to 8.2% of GDP. In 2002, its flat income tax raised revenues worth just 7.2%. Indeed, the flat income tax that generated so much excitement abroad seems to be carrying less weight than Estonia's old-fashioned value-added tax (VAT), which raised 9.4% of GDP in revenues in 2002.
VAT is, of course, the flattest tax of all. It levies a uniform rate on the goods you buy, taking a constant cut of your money when it is spent as opposed to when it is earned. Estonia's VAT is also quite broad, leaving relatively few things out (hydropower and windpower were two curious exceptions).
In paragraph 1, the author provides a brief outline of
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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Abaixo estão os segmentos inicial e final de uma correspondência oficial. É preciso completá-la nos espaços pontilhados, ordenando os parágrafos na ordem em que devem constar no documento. Numere os parênteses, obedecendo aos princípios de coesão, coerência e encadeamento de idéias. Assinale, a seguir, a opção que reproduz a ordem correta.
E.M. n. 122 /Interministerial MF - CGU-PR
Brasília, 26 de setembro de 2005.
Excelentíssimo Senhor Presidente da República
.........................................................................................
.........................................................................................
......................................................................................
Respeitosamente,
MURILO PORTUGAL FILHO
Ministro de Estado da Fazenda Interino
WALDIR PIRES
Ministro de Estado do Controle e da Transparência
(....) Com o objetivo de dar fiel cumprimento àquela determinação legal, cuja fi nalidade precípua consiste na preservação do princípio constitucional da publicidade, submetemos a Vossa Excelência o incluso Relatório de Gestão Fiscal do Poder Executivo Federal, referente ao período de janeiro a agosto do exercício de 2005.
(....) O referido Relatório deverá ser objeto de encaminhamento ao Congresso Nacional e ao Tribunal de Contas da União, conforme dispõe o art. 116 da Lei n. 10.934, de 11 de agosto de 2004.
(....) O Relatório de Gestão Fiscal, consoante determina a supracitada Lei, deve conter informações relativas à despesa total com pessoal, dívida consolidada, concessão de garantias e operações de crédito, devendo, no último quadrimestre, ser acrescido de demonstrativos referentes ao montante das disponibilidades de caixa em 31 de dezembro, de cada exercício e das inscrições em restos a pagar.
(....) Determina a mesma Lei que o Relatório deverá ser publicado e disponibilizado ao acesso público até trinta dias após o encerramento do período a que corresponder, prazo esse que, para o segundo quadrimestre de 2005, se encerra em 30 de setembro do corrente.
(....) A Lei Complementar n. 101, de 04 de maio de 2000, que estabelece normas de fi nanças públicas voltadas para a responsabilidade na gestão fi scal, exige, em seu art. 54, a emissão, ao final de cada quadrimestre, pelos titulares dos Poderes e órgãos referidos no art. 20, do Relatório de Gestão Fiscal assinado pelo respectivo Chefe e pelas autoridades responsáveis pela administração financeira e pelo controle interno, bem como por outras autoridades que vierem a ser defi nidas por ato próprio de cada Poder ou órgão.
(http://www.fazenda.gov.br/portugues/documentos/2005/ relatorioLRF2005. pdf, com adaptações)
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