Pode-se afirmar que:

Item 2 - O desvio-padrão tem a mesma unidade de medida da variável original.

Um consumidor tem uma função utilidade !$ U \, = \, X_A \, . \, X_B !$ (em que X_A e X_B são as quantidades consumidas de A e B) e uma dotação inicial de !$ \overline{X}_A \, = \, 2 e \overline{X}_B \, = \, 1. !$

Considerando que os preços desses bens são dados e iguais a 1, pode-se afirmar que:

Item 2 - Sob a hipótese de livre negociação, caso o preço de A se reduza, o consumidor ficará em situação pior que a inicial (quando os dois preços eram iguais à unidade).

A respeito dos três subconjuntos de !$ \mathfrak{R} !$ definidos por

!$ A \, = \, \{ (x,y) \,\, tal \,\, que \,\, x^2 \, + \, y^2 \, = \, 1 \} !$

!$ B\, = \, \{ (x,y) \,\, tal \,\, que \,\, ( x \, - \, 1)^2 \, + \, (y \, + \, 1)^2 \, \le \, 1\} !$

!$ C \, = \, \{ (x,y) \,\, tal \,\, que \,\, \mid x \mid \, + \, \mid y \mid \, \le \, 1 \} !$

Indique se a alternativa abaixo são verdadeira ou falsa:

Item 1 - O conjunto A!$ \cap !$B!$ \cap !$C é vazio.

Ao sair de casa pela manhã um indivíduo tem que decidir se leva consigo um guarda-chuva. Se chover e ele não tiver o guarda-chuva consigo, sua utilidade cai 3 unidades. Se chover e ele tiver o guarda-chuva, sua utilidade cai apenas 1 unidade. Se não chover, o esforço de carregar o guarda-chuva reduz sua utilidade de 1/2 de unidade.

Item 0 - Independentemente da probabilidade de chuva, ele nunca deve levar guarda-chuva.

A respeito da demanda de insumos variáveis, pode-se afirmar que:

Item 3 - A quantidade demandada de insumos de uma firma monopsonista é a que iguala o valor da receita marginal do insumo ao preço do insumo.

Sejam (X₁,X₂,K ,X_n) uma amostra aleatória com n elementos de certa população e !$ \theta !$ um parâmetro dessa população. Pode-se afirmar que:

Item 3 - !$ {T_n} !$ será uma seqüência consistente de estimadores de !$ \theta !$ se: !$ lim \\ n \, \rightarrow \, \infty !$ !$ E \, (T_n) \, = \, 0 !$ e !$ lim \\ n \, \rightarrow \, \infty !$ !$ Var(T_n) \, = \, 1. !$

III. ECONOMIC INTEGRATION AND THE ELIMINATION OF INTERMEDIARY MARKETING STEPS

An important distinction must be made between structures in trade and those in money, as both in its own way follows the law of one price. Trade initially took place in stapling centres, such as Bruges, Antwerp, Amsterdam, London and the like, to which sellers came to dispose of goods, and buyers came to acquire them. The staplers were divided among the First Hand, who carried the goods to and from, say, Amsterdam in distant trade; the Second Hand, who broke bulk, graded, sorted, standardized, repacked, and sometimes in between arranged for finishing processes such as curing and roasting, and in textiles, fulling sizing, washing, bleaching, dyeing and the like; and the Third Hand who was not relayed further to other markets. Stapling was based on a monopoly of information, as to what goods were available, and what wanted, in both cases where, along with the secrets of finishing. With time, these monopolies were eroded as the information became diffused. Since transport costs were positive, and in some instances sizeable, once the monopoly of information was lost suppliers and consumers got together in direct trade with no further need to rely on the intermediation of hte stapler. The finishing process could be conducted at either end, but the role of the emporium, entrepôt of relay was cut down to save transport and handling. Bordeaux began to send its sugar directly to Scandianvia from Saint Domingue without the necessity to weigh in at Amsterdam; Exeter and Hull their woollens to Cadiz, Lisbon and Hamburg, not to Amsterdam. Stockholm in the 20th century brought its wool directly from Australia, rather than London, and British re-exports shrank from 20-30 per cent of general imports in the 1780s to 15 per cent in 1910-1913.

Alfred Chandler found the same process of eliminating the middlemen to save handling and transport changes in the structure of American industry in the middle of the 19th century. As an enterprise rose from local to the regional to the national scale, distribution was taken back from wholesalers and jobbers and undertaken directly by the firm itself. In addition to the saving in handling charges, direct contact between seller and buyer permitted them to discuss possible improvements in the product, directly, without the filter of the intermediary merchant, and to understand each other better when it came to the producer instructing the buyer in product use, required in complex machinery and items such as chemicals that need precision in use. In today’s terminology, this is the provision of software, which ends up, Sune Carlson suggests, leading the seller to design his own worldwide network of distribution the more effectively to instruct the consumer, to train service personnel in efficient maintenance, and to maintain depots of spare parts.

Elimination of intermediary marketing steps has been a long drawn-out process in the application of the law of are price to trade, made economic as monopolies of information were diffused by direct contact, producing savings in transport and in communication about use.

The same forces are not found in money and capital markets, which have tended to remain organized in more hierarchical form. The reasons are several. First, economies of scale are probably greater in trading money than in trading commodities. Localities shift from net lenders to net borrowers and they converse more frequently and need a centralized market to minimize search costs. Secondly, costs of transporting money are far less than for goods so that the savings from shifting from indirect to direct trade are smaller. In combination these forces would argue for a single financial centre for a country or for the world. That solution, however, runs up against the need of financial institutions for credit information so detailed and up-to-date in a world of rapid change that it cannot be gathered, stored and maintained in a single centre giving the present capacity of computers. “Local knowledge” remains a critical adjunct of centralized statistics.

It is perhaps somewhat too strong to assert that saving in transport costs favour direct selling in traded goods, whereas search costs in borrowing or lending money favour a hierarchical organization of money flows where transport costs are negligible. For specialized lending, too many stages from one locality to a centre, across to another centre and down to a locality may filter out essential ingredients of the particulars of a problem. I once asked a banker in Aberdeen whether he got his information on oil-financing practices from Houston, Texas via New York and London or directly, and he said directly. Moreover in long-term lending, an initial underwriting syndicate need have no central location since structural costs of setting up the marketing group are overhead in character, met only once, and not repeated. These costs can be covered in underwriting commissions for the entire issue. In the present state of the art, however, the secondary market must have a buyer or seller who wants to trade one or at most a few bonds. It will take considerably greater cheapening of computer memories and distant communication to maintain bid and offer prices, and the location of the would-be traders, in one computer memory on a continuously changing basis reflecting data from the major and accessible money centres of the world (p.79-81).

According to the text:

Item 3 - Economies of scale in the money trade facilitate centralization of financial markets.

Indique se as proposições abaixo são falsa ou verdadeira:

Dados:

Consumo privado = $ 100

Investimento privado = $ 35

Consumo do governo + Investimento do governo = $ 10

Exportações de bens e serviços = $ 15

Importações de bens e serviços = $ 10

Pagamentos de juros sobre a dívida pública interna = $ 5

Recebimento de renda vinda do exterior pelos agentes privados domésticos = $ 5

Remessa de renda do exterior pelos agentes privados domésticos = $ 10

Tributos = $ 5

Item 2 - Caso não haja imposto inflacionário, a poupança privada será de $ 55.

Considerando a nova teoria clássica, indique se a alternativa abaixo são falsa ou verdadeira:

Item 3 - Os salários reais são rígidos tanto na recessão quanto na expansão da economia.

A respeito da teoria do bem-estar social, pode-se afirmar que:

Item 2 - Quando todos os membros da sociedade têm as mesmas preferências, uma função de bem-estar social não implica necessariamente juízo de valor sobre a posição relativa de cada um.