Foram encontradas 60 questões.
Leia o texto a seguir e responda a questão:
“Desde a véspera do massacre, após uma (1) passeata sob a divisa ‘Povo organizado derruba a ditadura’, 600 estudantes (240 eram moças) estavam (2) encurralados por centenas de policiais, na Faculdade de Medicina da UFRJ. Às 3h45 do dia 23, (...) deu-se a (3) invasão, assim descrita pela mãe de uma das moças cercadas, em carta à Revista Civilização Brasileira: ‘... A golpes de aríete, correndo (4) histericamente, chegavam os PMS (...), quebraram os portões da FNM e, feito uma horda de bárbaros, aos gritos e palavrões, invadiram a faculdade... Vi sair um rapaz todo ensangüentado, debaixo de cacetadas, uma moça semidespida e descalça, carregada por policiais do Exército, e mais outra (5) desmaiada, e serem carregadas para a ambulância. Vi um rapaz aleijado ser espancado na perna defeituosa; rapazes semimortos, alguns deles muito jovens, (...); outros, capengando, eram postos a correr, sob uma saraivada de cacetadas e aos gritos de corram vagabundos, covardes, filhos da... Não pude me conter, gritando que parassem com aquela covardia e um dos facínoras me disse: ninguém está batendo pra valer, é só para assustar. Outro gritou: sai daí que não queremos bater também em velhas... (...).”
Da Vaia em Castelo ao Massacre da Praia Vermelha. José Arthur Poerner. Invaão da FNM 40 anos. Série Memorabilia. UFRJ. Setembro de 2006.
Considerando as relações de sinonímia, assinale, dentre as alternativas adiante, aquela cuja relação de termos sinônimos que substituem as expressões numeradas e sublinhadas não altera o sentido e a dramaticidade original do texto:
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
O fragmento adiante é uma adaptação do texto “Da Vaia em Castelo ao Massacre da Praia Vermelha”, do pesquisador José Arthur Poerner, publicado em Invasão da FNM 40 anos (2006), parte da Série Memorabilia, editada pela Superintendência de Comunicação da UFRJ. Leia-o, atentamente, e responda à questão proposta a seguir.
Enquanto a União Metropolitana de Estudantes (UME) preparava um plebiscito nacional sobre a Lei Suplicy de Lacerda, que interveio na livre organização estudantil; “Castelo Branco1 recebia uma estrondosa vaia, na presença do corpo (1) diplomático, na aula inaugural da Universidade do Brasil, em março de 1965, na Escola Nacional de Arquitetura, na Ilha do Fundão. Cinco dos estudantes que vaiaram o chefe do governo foram presos pela Polícia do (2) Exército (...) O Conselho Universitário aprovou (...) a suspensão de 30 dias, recomendada para os estudantes pela comissão especial incumbida de apurar as origens da vaia a Castelo Branco.”
1O general Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco foi o primeiro ditador empossado na Presidência da República em consequência do golpe civil-militar que, em 1° de abril de 1964, depôs o presidente constitucional João Goulart.
Quanto às palavras (1) e (2) sublinhadas no texto podemos afirmar que:
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
O texto adiante é um trecho de entrevista de Jean Marc Van der Weid – ex-estudante de Engenharia Química da UFRJ (1966) e presidente da UNE (1969) – que integra publicação da UFRJ. Leia-o, atentamente, e responda à questão proposta a seguir.
“Em 68, por exemplo, uma parte significativa das lideranças do movimento estudantil vai para a luta armada, para a clandestinidade e sofre as conseqüências dessa opção, por que as relações de forças eram extremamente negativas, e há um massacre. A esquerda simplesmente deixa de existir como força organizada por um período significativo, eu diria até, 76, 77. No final de 78, a esquerda está reduzida a quase nada, com ações muito fragmentadas aqui e ali. Então uma parte dessa vanguarda do movimento estudantil some nesse momento. Outros foram encontrando outros caminhos (...)”.
Quanto à tipologia textual, podemos afirmar que no trecho predominam as características do texto:
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read text and answer question
Among the many pronouncements that have shaped our understanding of literary translation, perhaps none is more often echoed than John Dryden’s preface to his version of the Aeneid. “I have endeavoured to make Virgil speak such English,” asserted Dryden, “as he would himself have spoken, if he had been born in England, and in this present Age.” No doubt Dryden’s achievement is to have made many of his contemporaries believe that he had impersonated the Latin poet. But this is merely a poetic sleight of hand. Dryden’s Virgil abandons the unrhymed verse of the Latin poem for English couplets while cribbing lines from a previous translator, the poet Sir John Denham. A skeptic might well wonder why Virgil should come back as Dryden instead of an epic poet who lived in the same period and wrote his epic without rhyme: John Milton. Should we not expect an English Virgil to be more attracted to the grand style of Paradise Lost? […]
The most questionable effect of Dryden’s assertion, to my mind, is that it winds up collapsing the translator’s labor into the foreign author’s, giving us no way to understand (let alone judge) how the translator has performed the crucial role of cultural go-between. To read a translation as a translation, as a work in its own right, we need a more practical sense of what a translator does. I would describe it as an attempt to compensate for an irreparable loss by controlling an exorbitant gain.
The foreign language is the first thing to go, the very sound and order of the words, and along with them all the resonance and allusiveness that they carry for the native reader. Simultaneously, merely by choosing words from another language, the translator adds an entirely new set of resonances and allusions designed to imitate the foreign text while making it comprehensible to a culturally different reader. These additional meanings may occasionally result from an actual insertion for clarity. But they in fact inhere in every choice that the translator makes, even when the translation sticks closely to the foreign words and conforms to current dictionary definitions. The translator must somehow control the unavoidable release of meanings that work only in the translating language. Apart from threatening to derail the project of imitation, these meanings always risk transforming what is foreign into something too familiar or simply irrelevant. The loss in translation remains invisible to any reader who doesn’t undertake a careful comparison to the foreign text—i.e., most of us. The gain is everywhere apparent, although only if the reader looks.
(Excerpt. VENUTI, Lawrence. How to Read a Translation. Available at <http://www.wordswithoutborders.org/article. php?lab=HowTo>).
According to Lawrence Venuti, John Dryden:
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read text and answer question
Among the many pronouncements that have shaped our understanding of literary translation, perhaps none is more often echoed than John Dryden’s preface to his version of the Aeneid. “I have endeavoured to make Virgil speak such English,” asserted Dryden, “as he would himself have spoken, if he had been born in England, and in this present Age.” No doubt Dryden’s achievement is to have made many of his contemporaries believe that he had impersonated the Latin poet. But this is merely a poetic sleight of hand. Dryden’s Virgil abandons the unrhymed verse of the Latin poem for English couplets while cribbing lines from a previous translator, the poet Sir John Denham. A skeptic might well wonder why Virgil should come back as Dryden instead of an epic poet who lived in the same period and wrote his epic without rhyme: John Milton. Should we not expect an English Virgil to be more attracted to the grand style of Paradise Lost? […]
The most questionable effect of Dryden’s assertion, to my mind, is that it winds up collapsing the translator’s labor into the foreign author’s, giving us no way to understand (let alone judge) how the translator has performed the crucial role of cultural go-between. To read a translation as a translation, as a work in its own right, we need a more practical sense of what a translator does. I would describe it as an attempt to compensate for an irreparable loss by controlling an exorbitant gain.
The foreign language is the first thing to go, the very sound and order of the words, and along with them all the resonance and allusiveness that they carry for the native reader. Simultaneously, merely by choosing words from another language, the translator adds an entirely new set of resonances and allusions designed to imitate the foreign text while making it comprehensible to a culturally different reader. These additional meanings may occasionally result from an actual insertion for clarity. But they in fact inhere in every choice that the translator makes, even when the translation sticks closely to the foreign words and conforms to current dictionary definitions. The translator must somehow control the unavoidable release of meanings that work only in the translating language. Apart from threatening to derail the project of imitation, these meanings always risk transforming what is foreign into something too familiar or simply irrelevant. The loss in translation remains invisible to any reader who doesn’t undertake a careful comparison to the foreign text—i.e., most of us. The gain is everywhere apparent, although only if the reader looks.
(Excerpt. VENUTI, Lawrence. How to Read a Translation. Available at <http://www.wordswithoutborders.org/article. php?lab=HowTo>).
It in “I would describe it as an attempt to compensate [...]” refers to
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read text and answer question
September 3, 1939
House of Commons
These short remarks were delivered by Winston Churchill at the outbreak of World War II [...]
In this solemn hour it is a consolation to recall and to dwell upon our repeated efforts for peace. All have been ill-starred, but all have been faithful and sincere. This is of the highest moral value – and not only moral value, but practical value – at the present time, because the wholehearted concurrence of scores of millions of men and women, whose cooperation is indispensable and whose comradeship and brotherhood are indispensable, is the only foundation upon which the trial and tribulation of modern war can be endured and surmounted. This moral conviction alone affords that ever-fresh resilience which renews the strength and energy of people in long, doubtful and dark days. Outside, the storms of war may blow and the lands may be lashed with the fury of its gales, but in our own hearts this Sunday morning there is peace. Our hands may be active, but our consciences are at rest.
We must not underrate the gravity of the task which lies before us or the temerity of the ordeal, to which we shall not be found unequal. We must expect many disappointments, and many unpleasant surprises, but we may be sure that the task which we have freely accepted is one not beyond the compass and the strength of the British Empire and the French Republic. The Prime Minister said it was a sad day, and that is indeed true, but at the present time there is another note which may be present, and that is a feeling of thankfulness that, if these great trials were to come upon our Island, there is a generation of Britons here now ready to prove itself not unworthy of the days of yore and not unworthy of those great men, the fathers of our land, who laid the foundations of our laws and shaped the greatness of our country. This is not a question of fighting for Danzig or fighting for Poland. We are fighting to save the whole world from the pestilence of Nazi tyranny and in defense of all that is most sacred to man.
This is no war of domination or imperial aggrandizement or material gain; no war to shut any country out of its sunlight and means of progress. It is a war, viewed in its inherent quality, to establish, on impregnable rocks, the rights of the individual, and it is a war to establish and revive the stature of man. Perhaps it might seem a paradox that a war undertaken in the name of liberty and right should require, as a necessary part of its processes, the surrender for the time being of so many of the dearly valued liberties and rights. In these last few days the House of Commons has been voting dozens of Bills which hand over to the executive our most dearly valued traditional liberties. We are sure that these liberties will be in hands which will not abuse them, which will use them for no class or party interests, which will cherish and guard them, and we look forward to the day, surely and confidently we look forward to the day, when our liberties and rights will be restored to us, and when we shall be able to share them with the peoples to whom such blessings are unknown.
(Excerpt. CHURCHILL, Winston. “War Speech”. September 3, 1939. Available at <http://www. winstonchurchill.org/learn/speeches/speeches-ofwinston-churchill/127-war-speech>).
Choose the best translation for “but we may be sure that the task which we have freely accepted is one not beyond the compass and the strength of the British Empire and the French Republic”
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
J.Carlos. chargistaclaudio.zip.net Henfil Henfil
Prestígio, poder, estabilidade, reconhecimento, vantagens pecuniárias – para o “bem” e o “bom” e para o “mal” e o “mau” –, sempre foram fortes atrativos para o ingresso na administração pública. Da nobreza intrínseca à coisa pública ao justo desmascaramento de mazelas e malandragens com instrumentos do Estado, o trabalho nas diversas esferas e estruturas da gestão pública é objeto do olhar crítico da sociedade e da arte, como demonstram as ilustrações acima. Nos termos da Lei Federal n° 8.112, de 1990, cargo público é:
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read text and answer question
September 3, 1939
House of Commons
These short remarks were delivered by Winston Churchill at the outbreak of World War II [...]
In this solemn hour it is a consolation to recall and to dwell upon our repeated efforts for peace. All have been ill-starred, but all have been faithful and sincere. This is of the highest moral value – and not only moral value, but practical value – at the present time, because the wholehearted concurrence of scores of millions of men and women, whose cooperation is indispensable and whose comradeship and brotherhood are indispensable, is the only foundation upon which the trial and tribulation of modern war can be endured and surmounted. This moral conviction alone affords that ever-fresh resilience which renews the strength and energy of people in long, doubtful and dark days. Outside, the storms of war may blow and the lands may be lashed with the fury of its gales, but in our own hearts this Sunday morning there is peace. Our hands may be active, but our consciences are at rest.
We must not underrate the gravity of the task which lies before us or the temerity of the ordeal, to which we shall not be found unequal. We must expect many disappointments, and many unpleasant surprises, but we may be sure that the task which we have freely accepted is one not beyond the compass and the strength of the British Empire and the French Republic. The Prime Minister said it was a sad day, and that is indeed true, but at the present time there is another note which may be present, and that is a feeling of thankfulness that, if these great trials were to come upon our Island, there is a generation of Britons here now ready to prove itself not unworthy of the days of yore and not unworthy of those great men, the fathers of our land, who laid the foundations of our laws and shaped the greatness of our country. This is not a question of fighting for Danzig or fighting for Poland. We are fighting to save the whole world from the pestilence of Nazi tyranny and in defense of all that is most sacred to man.
This is no war of domination or imperial aggrandizement or material gain; no war to shut any country out of its sunlight and means of progress. It is a war, viewed in its inherent quality, to establish, on impregnable rocks, the rights of the individual, and it is a war to establish and revive the stature of man. Perhaps it might seem a paradox that a war undertaken in the name of liberty and right should require, as a necessary part of its processes, the surrender for the time being of so many of the dearly valued liberties and rights. In these last few days the House of Commons has been voting dozens of Bills which hand over to the executive our most dearly valued traditional liberties. We are sure that these liberties will be in hands which will not abuse them, which will use them for no class or party interests, which will cherish and guard them, and we look forward to the day, surely and confidently we look forward to the day, when our liberties and rights will be restored to us, and when we shall be able to share them with the peoples to whom such blessings are unknown.
(Excerpt. CHURCHILL, Winston. “War Speech”. September 3, 1939. Available at <http://www. winstonchurchill.org/learn/speeches/speeches-ofwinston-churchill/127-war-speech>).
Choose the sentence containing an underlined word whose primary accent tends to fall on the same syllable as it does in present as it appears in “there is another note which may be present”.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Em 27 de março último, o Conselho Universitário da UFRJ aprovou a criação do Ano da Memória e Verdade da universidade. Especialmente entre 1º de abril de 2014 e 1º de abril de 2015, diversas iniciativas coordenadas pela Comissão da Memória e Verdade da instituição discutirão os anos de ditadura militar marcados por graves violações de direitos na sociedade, nas instituições universitárias, em geral, e na UFRJ, em especial. O texto adiante é o da Nota Pública da COMISSÃO NACIONAL DA VERDADE publicada em 30 de março de 2014. Leia-o, atentamente, e responda à questão proposta a seguir.
50 anos do golpe de Estado de 1964
Há cinquenta anos um golpe de estado militar destituiu o governo constitucional do presidente João Goulart. Instaurou por longo tempo no país um regime autoritário que desrespeitava os direitos humanos; no qual os direitos sociais de muitos eram ignorados; em que os opositores e dissidentes foram rotineiramente perseguidos com a perda dos direitos políticos, a detenção arbitrária, a prisão e o exílio; onde a tortura, os assassinatos, os desaparecimentos forçados e a eliminação física foram sistematicamente utilizados contra aqueles que se insurgiam. Neste cinquentenário, a Comissão Nacional da Verdade quer homenagear essas vítimas e reafirmar sua determinação em ajudar a construir um Brasil cada vez mais democrático e mais justo.
A Comissão Nacional da Verdade nasceu com o objetivo de examinar e esclarecer as graves violações de direitos humanos praticadas no período. (1) Baseia-se na convicção de que a verdade histórica tem como objetivo não somente a afirmação da justiça, mas também preparar a reconciliação nacional, como vem assentado no seu mandato legal. Esteia-se na certeza de que o esclarecimento circunstanciado dos casos de tortura, morte, desaparecimento forçado, ocultação de cadáver e sua autoria, a identificação de locais, instituições e circunstâncias relacionados à prática de violações graves de direitos humanos, constituem dever elementar da solidariedade social e imperativo da decência, reclamados pela dignidade de nosso país. (2) Não deveria haver brasileiro algum ou instituição nacional alguma que deles se furtassem sob qualquer pretexto.
No ano passado comemoramos os vinte cinco anos da promulgação da Constituição Brasileira de 1988. Oitenta e dois milhões de brasileiros nasceram sob o regime democrático. Mais de oitenta por cento da população brasileira nasceu depois do golpe militar. O Brasil que se confronta com o trágico legado de 64, passados cinquenta anos, é literalmente outro. O país se renovou, progrediu e busca redefinir o seu lugar no concerto das nações democráticas. Não há por que hesitar em incorporar a esta marcha para adiante a revisão de seu passado e a reparação das injustiças cometidas. (3) Pensamos ser este o desejo da maioria. É certamente o sentido do trabalho da Comissão Nacional da Verdade.
Os trechos (1) Baseia-se na convicção de que a verdade histórica tem como objetivo não somente a afirmação da justiça, mas também preparar a reconciliação nacional, como vem assentado no seu mandato legal e (3) Pensamos ser este o desejo da maioria, destacados na Nota Pública, indicam o entendimento da Comissão Nacional da Verdade de que:
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Read text and answer question
Among the many pronouncements that have shaped our understanding of literary translation, perhaps none is more often echoed than John Dryden’s preface to his version of the Aeneid. “I have endeavoured to make Virgil speak such English,” asserted Dryden, “as he would himself have spoken, if he had been born in England, and in this present Age.” No doubt Dryden’s achievement is to have made many of his contemporaries believe that he had impersonated the Latin poet. But this is merely a poetic sleight of hand. Dryden’s Virgil abandons the unrhymed verse of the Latin poem for English couplets while cribbing lines from a previous translator, the poet Sir John Denham. A skeptic might well wonder why Virgil should come back as Dryden instead of an epic poet who lived in the same period and wrote his epic without rhyme: John Milton. Should we not expect an English Virgil to be more attracted to the grand style of Paradise Lost? […]
The most questionable effect of Dryden’s assertion, to my mind, is that it winds up collapsing the translator’s labor into the foreign author’s, giving us no way to understand (let alone judge) how the translator has performed the crucial role of cultural go-between. To read a translation as a translation, as a work in its own right, we need a more practical sense of what a translator does. I would describe it as an attempt to compensate for an irreparable loss by controlling an exorbitant gain.
The foreign language is the first thing to go, the very sound and order of the words, and along with them all the resonance and allusiveness that they carry for the native reader. Simultaneously, merely by choosing words from another language, the translator adds an entirely new set of resonances and allusions designed to imitate the foreign text while making it comprehensible to a culturally different reader. These additional meanings may occasionally result from an actual insertion for clarity. But they in fact inhere in every choice that the translator makes, even when the translation sticks closely to the foreign words and conforms to current dictionary definitions. The translator must somehow control the unavoidable release of meanings that work only in the translating language. Apart from threatening to derail the project of imitation, these meanings always risk transforming what is foreign into something too familiar or simply irrelevant. The loss in translation remains invisible to any reader who doesn’t undertake a careful comparison to the foreign text—i.e., most of us. The gain is everywhere apparent, although only if the reader looks.
(Excerpt. VENUTI, Lawrence. How to Read a Translation. Available at <http://www.wordswithoutborders.org/article. php?lab=HowTo>).
Choose the best translation for “let alone judge”.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Cadernos
Caderno Container