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Text.
German scientists have reconstructed an extraordinarily detailed picture of the domestic life of Martin Luther, the 16th-century reformer and father of Protestantism, by trawling through his household waste uncovered during archaeological digs on sites where he used to live.
Despite the widespread belief that Luther lived in poverty, evidence suggests he was a well-fed man — weighing in at a hefty 150 kg when he died in 1546 at the age of 63.
Even Luther's claim that he came from humble circumstances has been dismissed. New evidence has shown that his father owned land and a copper mill besides lending money for interest. His mother meanwhile was born into an upper middle class family and it is unlikely, as Luther suggested, that she "carried all her wood on her back".
Extensive research carried out at the family home in Wittenberg showed that Luther wrote his celebrated texts with goose quills under lamps lit by animal fat, in a heated room which overlooked the River Elbe. It obviously suited him because he churned out 1,800 pages a year. It debunks something of the Luther myth to know he wrote the 95 theses on a stone toilet, which was dug up in 2004.
But the claim by historians which will arguably be most upsetting for followers is the recently uncovered written evidence that it was not, as thought, a lightning bolt which led to the then 21- year-old's spontaneous declaration he wanted to become a monk. Rather, it was his desperation to escape an impending arranged marriage.
German scientists have reconstructed an extraordinarily detailed picture of the domestic life of Martin Luther, the 16th-century reformer and father of Protestantism, by trawling through his household waste uncovered during archaeological digs on sites where he used to live.
Despite the widespread belief that Luther lived in poverty, evidence suggests he was a well-fed man — weighing in at a hefty 150 kg when he died in 1546 at the age of 63.
Even Luther's claim that he came from humble circumstances has been dismissed. New evidence has shown that his father owned land and a copper mill besides lending money for interest. His mother meanwhile was born into an upper middle class family and it is unlikely, as Luther suggested, that she "carried all her wood on her back".
Extensive research carried out at the family home in Wittenberg showed that Luther wrote his celebrated texts with goose quills under lamps lit by animal fat, in a heated room which overlooked the River Elbe. It obviously suited him because he churned out 1,800 pages a year. It debunks something of the Luther myth to know he wrote the 95 theses on a stone toilet, which was dug up in 2004.
But the claim by historians which will arguably be most upsetting for followers is the recently uncovered written evidence that it was not, as thought, a lightning bolt which led to the then 21- year-old's spontaneous declaration he wanted to become a monk. Rather, it was his desperation to escape an impending arranged marriage.
Kate Connolly. History digs up the dirt on Martin Luther, In: The Guardian, Monday, 27 Oct./2008. Internet: <www.guardian.co.uk> (adapted).
According to the text, recent archaeological finds
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Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Don Cuppitt. The sea of faith. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985, p. 181 (adapted).
In the phrase “That is what makes it like a religion”, the word “That” refers to
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Text
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Don Cuppitt. The sea of faith. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985, p. 181 (adapted).
Indicate which of the following words or phrases would not be an appropriate synonym for the word “once” in the phrase “once we are in the midst of it”.
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Text
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Don Cuppitt. The sea of faith. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985, p. 181 (adapted).
Judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — the following item with reference to the text.
The word “business”could be appropriately replaced by concern.
The word “business”could be appropriately replaced by concern.
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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Text
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Don Cuppitt. The sea of faith. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985, p. 181 (adapted).
Judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — the following item with reference to the text.
In context, the expression “So far as” means as though.
In context, the expression “So far as” means as though.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Text
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Don Cuppitt. The sea of faith. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985, p. 181 (adapted).
Judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — the following item with reference to the text.
The word “Rather” means more or less.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Text
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Don Cuppitt. The sea of faith. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985, p. 181 (adapted).
Judge — right (C) or wrong (E) — the following item with reference to the text.
The pronoun “its” (l.2) refers to “humanist culture” (l.1).
The pronoun “its” (l.2) refers to “humanist culture” (l.1).
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
Text
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Fundamentalism has one interesting insight. It perceives the science-based, libertarian, humanist culture of the modern era as being itself a kind of new religion — and its deadly enemy. We fail to see this because we are immersed in it, it dominates more than nine-tenths of our lives, and it is so amorphous. It has no officially recognised scriptures, creeds, prophets or organisation. Rather, it is a loose coalition of many different forces, kept on the move and in constant self-criticism and self-correction by an active and striving ethic derived from Protestantism. So far as this new faith — if that is what it is — has theologians, priests and prophets, they are, respectively, the scientists and scholars whose business it is to criticise and increase knowledge, the artists who refine our perceptions and open up new life-possibilities, and the armies of idealistic campaigners who urge us to become active in hundreds of good causes.
So seductive and compelling is this new faith that it is somehow impossible to avoid adopting its language and its way of thinking. They are everywhere, and irresistible. That is what makes it like a religion: once we are in the midst of it and do not appreciate how strong and distinctive a flavour it has, we are largely unaware of its awesome, unstoppable, disruptive evangelistic power.
Don Cuppitt. The sea of faith. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985, p. 181 (adapted).
It can be concluded from the text that
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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
2388438
Ano: 2009
Disciplina: Atualidades e Conhecimentos Gerais
Banca: CESPE / CEBRASPE
Orgão: IRB
Disciplina: Atualidades e Conhecimentos Gerais
Banca: CESPE / CEBRASPE
Orgão: IRB
Provas:
Em todos os países da América Latina, a partir de meados da década de 70 do século passado, retoma-se a tendência de queda da mortalidade, tanto a geral como a infantil.
No caso do Brasil, como consequência da generalização dos serviços de saúde e do aumento da escolarização, começa a observar-se uma redução significativa nos padrões históricos da desigualdade regional relativa à mortalidade no país. Além desses fatores, a ampliação dos serviços de saneamento básico a áreas até então excluídas, os programas de saúde materno-infantil — sobretudo os voltados para o pré-natal —, a ampliação da oferta de serviços médico-hospitalares, as campanhas de vacinação, entre outras medidas, em muito colaboraram para a continuidade da redução dos níveis de mortalidade infantil e infanto-juvenil, principalmente a partir dos anos 80 do século XX.
No caso do Brasil, como consequência da generalização dos serviços de saúde e do aumento da escolarização, começa a observar-se uma redução significativa nos padrões históricos da desigualdade regional relativa à mortalidade no país. Além desses fatores, a ampliação dos serviços de saneamento básico a áreas até então excluídas, os programas de saúde materno-infantil — sobretudo os voltados para o pré-natal —, a ampliação da oferta de serviços médico-hospitalares, as campanhas de vacinação, entre outras medidas, em muito colaboraram para a continuidade da redução dos níveis de mortalidade infantil e infanto-juvenil, principalmente a partir dos anos 80 do século XX.
Oliveira Simões, 1997 (com adaptações).
O gráfico a seguir apresenta a evolução da população brasileira de acordo com os censos demográficos, além de uma projeção dessa evolução até o ano de 2050.

Tendo as informações apresentadas acima como referência, julgue (C ou E) o item a seguir, relativos à evolução da população brasileira.
No momento histórico correspondente ao ponto mais alto da curva correspondente ao gráfico mostrado, a média etária do conjunto da população brasileira será inferior à atual.
No momento histórico correspondente ao ponto mais alto da curva correspondente ao gráfico mostrado, a média etária do conjunto da população brasileira será inferior à atual.
Provas
Questão presente nas seguintes provas
2388437
Ano: 2009
Disciplina: Atualidades e Conhecimentos Gerais
Banca: CESPE / CEBRASPE
Orgão: IRB
Disciplina: Atualidades e Conhecimentos Gerais
Banca: CESPE / CEBRASPE
Orgão: IRB
Provas:
Em todos os países da América Latina, a partir de meados da década de 70 do século passado, retoma-se a tendência de queda da mortalidade, tanto a geral como a infantil.
No caso do Brasil, como consequência da generalização dos serviços de saúde e do aumento da escolarização, começa a observar-se uma redução significativa nos padrões históricos da desigualdade regional relativa à mortalidade no país. Além desses fatores, a ampliação dos serviços de saneamento básico a áreas até então excluídas, os programas de saúde materno-infantil — sobretudo os voltados para o pré-natal —, a ampliação da oferta de serviços médico-hospitalares, as campanhas de vacinação, entre outras medidas, em muito colaboraram para a continuidade da redução dos níveis de mortalidade infantil e infanto-juvenil, principalmente a partir dos anos 80 do século XX.
No caso do Brasil, como consequência da generalização dos serviços de saúde e do aumento da escolarização, começa a observar-se uma redução significativa nos padrões históricos da desigualdade regional relativa à mortalidade no país. Além desses fatores, a ampliação dos serviços de saneamento básico a áreas até então excluídas, os programas de saúde materno-infantil — sobretudo os voltados para o pré-natal —, a ampliação da oferta de serviços médico-hospitalares, as campanhas de vacinação, entre outras medidas, em muito colaboraram para a continuidade da redução dos níveis de mortalidade infantil e infanto-juvenil, principalmente a partir dos anos 80 do século XX.
Oliveira Simões, 1997 (com adaptações).
O gráfico a seguir apresenta a evolução da população brasileira de acordo com os censos demográficos, além de uma projeção dessa evolução até o ano de 2050.

Tendo as informações apresentadas acima como referência, julgue (C ou E) o item a seguir, relativos à evolução da população brasileira.
Considerando-se o quadro de altas taxas de mortalidade infantil no Brasil no período compreendido entre 1950 e 1970, concluise que o crescimento populacional registrado no gráfico para esse período deveu-se principalmente aos grandes fluxos imigratórios.
Considerando-se o quadro de altas taxas de mortalidade infantil no Brasil no período compreendido entre 1950 e 1970, concluise que o crescimento populacional registrado no gráfico para esse período deveu-se principalmente aos grandes fluxos imigratórios.
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Questão presente nas seguintes provas
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